第七章 早期共和国

Source / 原文：https://www.americanyawp.com/text/07-the-early-republic/

I. Introduction

一、引言

Thomas Jefferson’s electoral victory over John Adams—and the larger victory of the Democratic-Republicans over the Federalists—was but one of many changes in the early republic. Some, like Jefferson’s victory, were accomplished peacefully, and others violently. The wealthy and the powerful, middling and poor whites, Native Americans, free and enslaved African Americans, influential and poor women: all demanded a voice in the new nation that Thomas Paine called an “asylum” for liberty. All would, in their own way, lay claim to the freedom and equality promised, if not fully realized, by the Revolution.

托马斯·杰斐逊在选举中击败约翰·亚当斯，以及民主-共和党战胜联邦党，标志着新生共和国一系列变革的开端。这些变革有的以和平方式实现，如杰斐逊的胜选；有的则伴随着暴力冲突。无论是富人和权贵、中产阶级与贫困白人、原住民、自由与被奴役的非裔美国人，还是有影响力的和贫困的女性，他们都渴望在这个托马斯·潘恩（Thomas Paine）所称的“自由的避难所”的新国家中发出自己的声音。他们都以各自的方式，试图争取革命所承诺但尚未完全实现的自由和平等。

II. Free and Enslaved Black Americans and the Challenge to Slavery

二、自由与被奴役的非裔美国人及对奴隶制的挑战

Led by the enslaved man Gabriel, close to one thousand enslaved men planned to end slavery in Virginia by attacking Richmond in late August 1800. Some of the conspirators would set diversionary fires in the city’s warehouse district. Others would attack Richmond’s white residents, seize weapons, and capture Virginia governor James Monroe. On August 30, two enslaved men revealed the plot to their enslaver, who notified authorities. Faced with bad weather, Gabriel and other leaders postponed the attack until the next night, giving Governor Monroe and the militia time to capture the conspirators. After briefly escaping, Gabriel was seized, tried, and hanged along with twenty-five others. Their executions sent the message that others would be punished if they challenged slavery. Subsequently, the Virginia government increased restrictions on free people of color.

1800年8月末，由被奴役者加布里埃尔（Gabriel）领导的近千名奴隶计划袭击弗吉尼亚州的里士满，以终结当地的奴隶制。部分同谋者计划在城市仓库区纵火以转移注意力，其他人则准备袭击里士满的白人居民，夺取武器，并俘虏弗吉尼亚州长詹姆斯·门罗（James Monroe）。然而，8月30日，两名被奴役者将计划泄露给他们的奴隶主，奴隶主随即向当局报告。由于恶劣天气，加布里埃尔和其他领导者将袭击推迟至次日夜晚，这为州长门罗及其民兵提供了时间来逮捕参与者。加布里埃尔在短暂逃脱后被捕，并与另外二十五人一起接受审判并被处决。他们的死刑传达了一个明确的信息：挑战奴隶制的人必将受到严惩。随后，弗吉尼亚政府进一步加强了对自由有色人种的限制。

Gabriel’s Rebellion, as the plot came to be known, taught Virginia’s white residents several lessons. First, it suggested that enslaved Black Virginians were capable of preparing and carrying out a sophisticated and violent revolution—undermining white supremacist assumptions about the inherent intellectual inferiority of Black people. Furthermore, it demonstrated that white efforts to suppress news of other slave revolts—especially the 1791 slave rebellion in Haiti—had failed. Not only did some literate enslaved people read accounts of the successful attack in Virginia’s newspapers, but others also heard about the rebellion firsthand when slaveholding refugees from Haiti arrived in Virginia with their enslaved laborers after July 1793.

加布里埃尔起义（Gabriel’s Rebellion）给弗吉尼亚的白人居民带来了几项重要的教训。首先，它表明被奴役的非裔弗吉尼亚人有能力策划并执行复杂且暴力的革命，这动摇了白人至上主义关于黑人天生智力低下的偏见。此外，这次起义还表明，白人试图压制其他奴隶起义消息的努力——尤其是1791年海地奴隶起义——并未奏效。一些有文化的被奴役者通过弗吉尼亚的报纸读到了有关海地成功起义的报道，还有人通过亲身接触得知消息，因为1793年7月之后，海地的奴隶主携带被奴役者作为难民抵达弗吉尼亚，传播了这一信息。

The Haitian Revolution (1791–1804) inspired free and enslaved Black Americans, and terrified white Americans. Port cities in the United States were flooded with news and refugees. Free people of color embraced the revolution, understanding it as a call for full abolition and the rights of citizenship denied in the United States. Over the next several decades, Black Americans continually looked to Haiti as an inspiration in their struggle for freedom. For example, in 1829 David Walker, a Black abolitionist in Boston, wrote an Appeal that called for resistance to slavery and racism. Walker called Haiti the “glory of the blacks and terror of the tyrants” and said that Haitians, “according to their word, are bound to protect and comfort us.” Haiti also proved that, given equal opportunities, people of color could achieve as much as white people.  In 1826 the third college graduate of color in the United States, John Russwurm, gave a commencement address at Bowdoin College, noting that, “Haytiens have adopted the republican form of government . . . [and] in no country are the rights and privileges of citizens and foreigners more respected, and crimes less frequent.” In 1838 the Colored American, an early Black newspaper, professed that “no one who reads, with an unprejudiced mind, the history of Hayti . . . can doubt the capacity of colored men, nor the propriety of removing all their disabilities.” Haiti, and the activism it inspired, sent the message that enslaved and free Black people could not be omitted from conversations about the meaning of liberty and equality. Their words and actions—on plantations, streets, and the printed page—left an indelible mark on early national political culture.

海地革命（Haitian Revolution, 1791–1804）激发了美国自由黑人和被奴役黑人的斗志，却令白人感到恐惧。大量有关海地革命的新闻和难民涌入美国的港口城市。自由有色人种拥护这场革命，将其视为废除奴隶制和争取美国所否认的公民权利的号角。在接下来的数十年里，黑人不断将海地视为争取自由斗争的灵感来源。例如，1829年，波士顿的黑人废奴主义者戴维·沃克（David Walker）撰写了《呼吁》（Appeal），号召人们反抗奴隶制和种族主义。他称海地为“黑人的荣耀和暴君的恐惧”，并指出海地人“根据承诺，有义务保护和安慰我们”。海地的成功也证明了，在享有平等机会的情况下，有色人种能够与白人取得同样的成就。1826年，美国第三位有色人种大学毕业生约翰·拉斯沃姆（John Russwurm）在鲍登学院的毕业典礼演讲中指出：“海地人采纳了共和制……（并且）在没有哪个国家，公民和外国人的权利与特权更受尊重，犯罪率更低”。1838年，早期的黑人报纸《有色人种美国人》（Colored American）宣称：“任何以公正之心阅读海地历史的人……都不会质疑有色人种的能力，也不会反对废除他们所受的一切限制。”海地革命及其激发的行动传递了一个明确的信息：无论是被奴役者还是自由黑人，都不能被排除在关于自由和平等意义的讨论之外。他们在种植园、街头以及印刷文字中的言行，在新兴国家的政治文化中留下了不可磨灭的印记。

The Black activism inspired by Haiti’s revolution was so powerful that anxious white leaders scrambled to use the violence of the Haitian revolt to reinforce white supremacy and pro-slavery views by limiting the social and political lives of people of color. White publications mocked Black Americans as buffoons, ridiculing calls for abolition and equal rights. The most (in)famous of these, the “Bobalition” broadsides, published in Boston in the 1810s, crudely caricatured African Americans. Widely distributed materials like these became the basis for racist ideas that thrived in the nineteenth century. But such ridicule also implied that Black Americans’ presence in the political conversation was significant enough to require it. The need to reinforce such an obvious difference between whiteness and blackness implied that the differences might not be so obvious after all.

海地革命所激发的黑人行动力量如此强大，以至于感到不安的白人领导者急忙利用海地起义中的暴力事件，来加强白人至上主义和支持奴隶制的观点，同时限制有色人种的社会和政治生活。白人出版物将黑人描绘成小丑，嘲弄废奴与平权的呼声。其中最著名（或臭名昭著）的例子是1810年代在波士顿出版的“Bobalition”传单，这些传单以粗俗的方式丑化非裔美国人。这类广泛传播的材料为19世纪盛行的种族主义观念奠定了基础。然而，这种嘲讽也间接表明，非裔美国人在政治对话中的存在已经足够重要，值得这些嘲弄。试图强调白人与黑人之间明显差异的努力，也暗示了这些差异或许并不如表面看起来那般明显。

Henry Moss, an enslaved man in Virginia, became arguably the most famous Black man of the day when white spots appeared on his body in 1792, turning him visibly white within three years. As his skin changed, Moss marketed himself as “a great curiosity” in Philadelphia and soon earned enough money to buy his freedom. He met the great scientists of the era—including Samuel Stanhope Smith and Dr. Benjamin Rush—who joyously deemed Moss to be living proof of their theory that “the Black Color (as it is called) of the Negroes is derived from the leprosy.” Something, somehow, was “curing” Moss of his blackness. In the whitening body of slave-turned-patriot-turned-curiosity, many Americans fostered ideas of race that would cause major problems in the years ahead.

亨利·莫斯（Henry Moss）是弗吉尼亚的一名被奴役者。1792年，他身上开始出现白斑，并在三年内皮肤完全变白，由此成为当时最著名的黑人之一。随着肤色的改变，莫斯在费城将自己宣传为“一大奇观”，并迅速赚取足够的钱买下了自己的自由。他还结识了当时的著名科学家，包括塞缪尔·斯坦霍普·史密斯（Samuel Stanhope Smith）和本杰明·拉什（Dr. Benjamin Rush）。这些科学家欣喜地认为，莫斯是他们理论的活生生例证，即“黑人（所谓的黑色肤色）是由麻风病引起的”。某种方式正在“治愈”莫斯的黑色肤色。 在这位从奴隶到爱国者再到奇观的莫斯身上，许多美国人形成了关于种族的观念，而这些观念将在未来几年引发重大问题。

The first decades of the new American republic coincided with a radical shift in understandings of race. Politically and culturally, Enlightenment thinking fostered beliefs in common humanity, the possibility of societal progress, the remaking of oneself, and the importance of one’s social and ecological environment—a four-pronged revolt against the hierarchies of the Old World. Yet a tension arose due to Enlightenment thinkers’ desire to classify and order the natural world. Carolus Linnaeus, Comte de Buffon, Johann Friedrich Blumenbach, and others created connections between race and place as they divided the racial “types” of the world according to skin color, cranial measurements, and hair. They claimed that years under the hot sun and tropical climate of Africa darkened the skin and reconfigured the skulls of the African race, whereas the cold northern latitudes of Europe molded and sustained the “Caucasian” race. The environments endowed both races with respective characteristics, which accounted for differences in humankind tracing back to a common ancestry. A universal human nature, therefore, housed not fundamental differences but rather the “civilized” and the “primitive”—two poles on a scale of social progress.

新生美国共和国最初的几十年，正值人们对种族理解发生激烈转变的时期。在政治和文化领域，启蒙思想倡导人类共有的本性、社会进步的可能性、自我重塑的能力，以及社会与生态环境的重要性——这构成了对旧世界等级体系的四重反叛。然而，启蒙思想家对自然界进行分类与整理的渴望也引发了矛盾。卡尔·林奈（Carolus Linnaeus）、乔治·布丰（Comte de Buffon）、约翰·弗里德里希·布鲁门巴赫（Johann Friedrich Blumenbach）等人将种族与地域联系起来，依据肤色、头骨测量和发质，将世界划分为不同的种族“类型”。他们声称，非洲炎热的阳光和热带气候使非洲种族的皮肤变黑，头骨发生改变；而欧洲寒冷的北纬地区则塑造并维持了“高加索”种族。这些环境赋予了各自种族不同的特性，从而解释了人类起源于共同祖先却表现出差异的原因。由此，普遍的人性不再是种族之间的根本差异，而在于“文明的”与“原始的”两极之间的社会进步尺度。

Informed by European anthropology and republican optimism, Americans confronted their own uniquely problematic racial landscape. In 1787, Samuel Stanhope Smith published his treatise Essay on the Causes of the Variety of Complexion and Figure in the Human Species, which further articulated the theory of racial change and suggested that improving the social environment would tap into the innate equality of humankind and dramatically uplift nonwhite races. The proper society, he and others believed, could gradually “whiten” men the way nature spontaneously chose to whiten Henry Moss. Thomas Jefferson disagreed. While Jefferson thought Native Americans could improve and become “civilized,” he declared in his Notes on the State of Virginia (1784) that Black people were incapable of mental improvement and that they might even have a separate ancestry—a theory known as polygenesis, or multiple creations. His belief in polygenesis was less to justify slavery—enslavers universally rejected the theory as antibiblical and thus a threat to their primary instrument of justification, the Bible—and more to justify schemes for a white America, such as the plan to gradually send freed Black people to Africa. Many Americans believed nature had made the white and Black races too different to peacefully coexist, and they viewed African colonization as the solution to America’s racial problem.

在欧洲人类学和共和乐观主义的影响下，美国人开始面对自身独特且复杂的种族问题。1787年，塞缪尔·斯坦霍普·史密斯（Samuel Stanhope Smith）发表了论文《论人类肤色和形体差异的原因》（Essay on the Causes of the Variety of Complexion and Figure in the Human Species），进一步阐述了种族变化的理论。他认为，通过改善社会环境，可以激发人类与生俱来的平等性，并大幅提升非白人种族的地位。他和一些人相信，合适的社会环境能够逐步像自然“选择”让亨利·莫斯（Henry Moss）变白一样，使人“变白”。托马斯·杰斐逊（Thomas Jefferson）对此持不同观点。虽然他认为美洲原住民可以进步并变得“文明”，但他却在1784年的《弗吉尼亚笔记》（Notes on the State of Virginia）中提出，黑人无法取得智力上的进步，并且可能具有不同的起源，这一理论被称为“多起源说”（polygenesis），即多次创造论。这一观点并非旨在为奴隶制辩护，因为奴隶主普遍认为这种理论违背《圣经》，从而威胁他们主要的依据。相反，杰斐逊更多地是用它来支持建立“白人美国”的计划，例如逐步将获得自由的黑人送往非洲的方案。许多美国人认为，白人与黑人之间的自然差异过于显著，无法实现和平共处，因此他们将非洲殖民视为解决美国种族问题的途径。

Jefferson’s Notes on the State of Virginia sparked considerable backlash from antislavery and Black communities. The celebrated Black surveyor Benjamin Banneker, for example, immediately wrote to Jefferson and demanded he “eradicate that train of absurd and false ideas” and instead embrace the belief that we are “all of one flesh” and with “all the same sensations and endowed . . . with the same faculties.”  Many years later, in his Appeal to the Colored Citizens of the World (1829), David Walker channeled decades of Black protest, simultaneously denouncing the moral rot of slavery and racism while praising the inner strength of the race.

托马斯·杰斐逊的《弗吉尼亚笔记》引发了废奴主义者和黑人社区的强烈反对。例如，著名的黑人测量师本杰明·班纳克（Benjamin Banneker）立即致信杰斐逊，要求他“根除那一系列荒谬而虚假的观念”，并接受这样的信念：我们“皆为一体”，拥有“相同的感知能力，并被赋予……同样的才智”。许多年后，1829年，大卫·沃克（David Walker）在其《告全世界有色人种公民的呼吁》（Appeal to the Colored Citizens of the World）一书中汇聚了数十年来黑人的抗议之声。他一方面谴责奴隶制和种族主义的道德腐败，另一方面赞颂黑人种族内在的力量。

Jefferson had his defenders. White men such as Charles Caldwell and Samuel George Morton hardened Jefferson’s skepticism, offering a “biological” case for Black and white people not only having separate creations but actually being different species, a position increasingly articulated throughout the antebellum period. Few Americans subscribed wholesale to such theories, but many shared beliefs in white supremacy. As the decades passed, White Americans were forced to acknowledge that if the Black population was indeed whitening, it resulted from sexual violence and not the environment. The sense of inspiration and wonder that followed Henry Moss in the 1790s would have been impossible just a generation later.

杰斐逊也有他的辩护者。像查尔斯·卡尔德（Charles Caldwell）和塞缪尔·乔治·莫顿（Samuel George Morton）这样的白人男性，更加坚定了杰斐逊的怀疑态度，提出了一个“生物学”的论据，认为黑人和白人不仅有不同的创造来源，实际上还属于不同的物种。在内战前，这种立场逐渐获得更多支持。虽然很少有美国人完全接受这些理论，但许多人仍然信奉白人至上主义。随着时间的流逝，白人美国人不得不承认，如果黑人种群确实发生了“变白”的情况，那也是由于性暴力，而非环境因素。1790年代跟随亨利·莫斯的灵感和惊奇感，在一代人后将不再可能。

III. Jeffersonian Republicanism

三、杰斐逊共和主义

Free and enslaved Black Americans were not alone in pushing against political hierarchies. Jefferson’s election to the presidency in 1800 represented a victory for non-elite white Americans in their bid to assume more direct control over the government. Elites had made no secret of their hostility toward the direct control of government by the people. In both private correspondence and published works, many of the nation’s founders argued that pure democracy would lead to anarchy. Massachusetts Federalist Fisher Ames spoke for many of his colleagues when he lamented the dangers that democracy posed because it depended on public opinion, which “shifts with every current of caprice.” Jefferson’s election, for Federalists like Ames, heralded a slide “down into the mire of a democracy.”

自由和被奴役的非裔美国人并不是唯一反对政治等级制度的群体。杰斐逊于1800年当选总统，标志着非精英白人美国人在争取更直接控制政府的斗争中取得了胜利。精英阶层毫不掩饰他们对人民直接控制政府的敌意。在私人信件和公开作品中，许多国家的缔造者认为，纯粹的民主会导致无政府状态。马萨诸塞州的联邦党人费舍尔·埃姆斯（Fisher Ames）代表许多同僚表达了他的担忧，他哀叹民主所带来的危险，因为民主依赖于公众舆论，而公众舆论“随着每一股心血来潮而改变”。对于像埃姆斯这样的联邦党人来说，杰斐逊的当选意味着美国“陷入民主的泥潭”。

Indeed, many political leaders and non-elite citizens believed Jefferson embraced the politics of the masses. “In a government like ours it is the duty of the Chief-magistrate . . . to unite in himself the confidence of the whole people,” Jefferson wrote in 1810. Nine years later, looking back on his monumental election, Jefferson again linked his triumph to the political engagement of ordinary citizens: “The revolution of 1800 . . . was as real a revolution in the principles of our government as that of 76 was in it’s form,” he wrote, “not effected indeed by the sword . . . but by the rational and peaceable instrument of reform, the suffrage [voting] of the people.” Jefferson desired to convince Americans, and the world, that a government that answered directly to the people would lead to lasting national union, not anarchic division. He wanted to prove that free people could govern themselves democratically.

事实上，许多政治领导人和非精英公民认为，杰斐逊拥抱了群众政治。杰斐逊在1810年写道：“在像我们这样的政府中，最高领导人的职责是……在自己身上集结全体人民的信任。” 十年后，回顾自己具有里程碑意义的选举，杰斐逊再次将自己的胜利与普通公民的政治参与联系起来。他写道：“1800年的革命……在我们的政府原则上是一次真正的革命，就像1776年的革命在其形式上所表现的那样”，他继续说，“这场革命并非通过刀剑实现……而是通过理性且和平的改革工具，即人民的选举权（suffrage）。”杰斐逊希望说服美国人及世界，直接对人民负责的政府将带来持久的国家统一，而非无政府的分裂。他希望证明，自由的人民能够民主地治理自己。

Jefferson set out to differentiate his administration from the Federalists. He defined American union by the voluntary bonds of fellow citizens toward one another and toward the government. In contrast, the Federalists supposedly imagined a union defined by expansive state power and public submission to the rule of aristocratic elites. For Jefferson, the American nation drew its “energy” and its strength from the “confidence” of a “reasonable” and “rational” people.

杰斐逊着手使自己的政府与联邦党区分开来。他将美国的联合定义为公民之间以及公民与政府之间的自愿关系。与此相对，联邦党人认为，美国的联合是由扩大的国家权力和公众对贵族精英统治的顺从所定义的。对于杰斐逊而言，美国国家的“活力”和力量来自于“理性”和“明智”的人民的“信任”。

Democratic-Republican celebrations often credited Jefferson with saving the nation’s republican principles. In a move that enraged Federalists, they used the image of George Washington, who had passed away in 1799, linking the republican virtue Washington epitomized to the democratic liberty Jefferson championed. Leaving behind the military pomp of power-obsessed Federalists, Democratic-Republicans had peacefully elected the scribe of national independence, the philosopher-patriot who had battled tyranny with his pen, not with a sword or a gun.

民主-共和党人常常赞扬杰斐逊挽救了国家的共和原则。在一个激怒了联邦党人的举动中，他们使用了乔治·华盛顿的形象——华盛顿于1799年去世——将华盛顿所代表的共和美德与杰斐逊倡导的民主自由联系起来。民主-共和党人抛弃了联邦党人沉迷于权力的军事仪式，而是和平地选举出了国家独立的书写者、那位用笔而非刀剑或枪支与暴政作斗争的哲学家-爱国者。

The celebrations of Jefferson’s presidency and the defeat of the Federalists expressed many citizens’ willingness to assert greater direct control over the government as citizens. The definition of citizenship was changing. Early American national identity was coded masculine, just as it was coded white and wealthy; yet, since the Revolution, women had repeatedly called for a place in the conversation. Mercy Otis Warren was one of the most noteworthy female contributors to the public ratification debate over the Constitution of 1787 and 1788, but women all over the country were urged to participate in the discussion over the Constitution. “It is the duty of the American ladies, in a particular manner, to interest themselves in the success of the measures that are now pursuing by the Federal Convention for the happiness of America,” a Philadelphia essayist announced. “They can retain their rank as rational beings only in a free government. In a monarchy . . . they will be considered as valuable members of a society, only in proportion as they are capable of being mothers for soldiers, who are the pillars of crowned heads.” American women were more than mothers to soldiers; they were mothers to liberty.

杰斐逊总统任期的庆祝活动以及联邦党人的失败表达了许多公民希望作为公民对政府进行更大程度直接控制的愿望。公民身份的定义正在发生变化。早期的美国国家认同具有男性化的特征，就像它同时也具有白人和富裕的特征一样；然而，自独立战争以来，女性不断呼吁在政治话语中占有一席之地。梅西·奥蒂斯·沃伦（Mercy Otis Warren）是1787年和1788年关于美国宪法公民批准辩论中最引人注目的女性之一，但全国各地的女性都被鼓励参与宪法的讨论。一位费城的散文家宣布：“美国女士们有义务特别关注联邦会议正在为美国幸福而采取的措施的成功。”她继续说道：“她们只有在自由政府中，才能保有作为理性存在的地位。在君主制中……她们将仅在能成为士兵的母亲，即王权支柱的母亲时，才被视为社会中有价值的一员。” 美国女性不仅仅是士兵的母亲；她们是自由的母亲。

Historians have used the term Republican Motherhood to describe the early American belief that women were essential in nurturing the principles of liberty in the citizenry. Women would pass along important values of independence and virtue to their children, ensuring that each generation cherished the same values of the American Revolution. Because of these ideas, women’s actions became politicized. Some even described women’s choice of sexual partner as crucial to the health and well-being of both the party and the nation. “The fair Daughters of America” should “never disgrace themselves by giving their hands in marriage to any but real republicans,” a group of New Jersey Democratic-Republicans asserted. A Philadelphia paper toasted “The fair Daughters of Columbia. May their smiles be the reward of Republicans only.” Though unmistakably steeped in the gendered assumptions about female sexuality and domesticity that denied women an equal share of the political rights men enjoyed, these statements also conceded the pivotal role women played as active participants in partisan politics.

历史学家使用“共和母性”（Republican Motherhood）这一术语来描述早期美国的信念，即女性在培养公民自由原则方面至关重要。女性将把独立和美德等重要价值传递给她们的孩子，确保每一代人都珍视美国革命的相同价值观。正是在这些思想的推动下，女性的行为变得政治化。有些人甚至认为女性选择配偶的决定对于党派和国家的健康与福祉至关重要。新泽西州的民主-共和党人宣称，“美国的美丽女儿”应该“永远不要以嫁给非共和派人士为耻”。一份费城的报纸为“哥伦比亚的美丽女儿”祝酒，“愿她们的微笑只为共和派的奖励。”尽管这些言论明显受到性别刻板印象的影响，认为女性的性别角色和家庭职责使她们无法享有与男性平等的政治权利，但这些言论也承认了女性在党派政治中的关键作用，表明她们是积极的政治参与者。

IV. Jefferson as President

四、杰弗逊的总统任期

Buttressed by robust public support, Jefferson sought to implement policies that reflected his own political ideology. He worked to reduce taxes and cut the government’s budget, believing that this would expand the economic opportunities of free Americans. His cuts included national defense, and Jefferson restricted the regular army to three thousand men. England may have needed taxes and debt to support its military empire, but Jefferson was determined to live in peace—and that belief led him to reduce America’s national debt while getting rid of all internal taxes during his first term. In a move that became the crowning achievement of his presidency, Jefferson authorized the acquisition of Louisiana from France in 1803 in what is considered the largest real estate deal in American history. France had ceded Louisiana to Spain in exchange for West Florida after the Seven Years’ War decades earlier. Jefferson was concerned about American access to New Orleans, which served as an important port for western farmers. His worries multiplied when the French secretly reacquired Louisiana in 1800. Spain remained in Louisiana for two more years while the U.S. minister to France, Robert R. Livingston, tried to strike a compromise. Fortunately for the United States, the pressures of war in Europe and the slave insurrection in Haiti forced Napoleon to rethink his vast North American holdings. Rebellious enslaved people coupled with a yellow fever outbreak in Haiti defeated French forces, stripping Napoleon of his ability to control Haiti (the home of profitable sugar plantations). Deciding to cut his losses, Napoleon offered to sell the entire Louisiana Territory for $15 million—roughly equivalent to $250 million today. Negotiations between Livingston and Napoleon’s foreign minister, Talleyrand, succeeded more spectacularly than either Jefferson or Livingston could have imagined.

在强大的公众支持下，杰斐逊致力于实施符合他政治理念的政策。他努力减少税收并削减政府预算，认为这样可以扩大自由美国人的经济机会。他的削减措施也包括国防开支，杰斐逊将常规军队限制为三千人。虽然英国可能需要税收和债务来支持其军事帝国，但杰斐逊决心过和平的生活——这一信念促使他在第一任期内减少美国的国家债务，并废除了所有的内部税收。作为他总统任期的最大成就，杰斐逊在1803年授权从法国购买路易斯安那，这被认为是美国历史上最大的一笔房地产交易。法国在七年战争后将路易斯安那割让给西班牙，以换取西佛罗里达。杰斐逊担心美国无法顺利进入新奥尔良，这对西部农民来说是一个重要的港口。1800年，法国秘密重新获得了路易斯安那，杰斐逊的担忧加剧。西班牙继续占领路易斯安那两年，而美国驻法国公使罗伯特·R·利文斯顿（Robert R. Livingston）试图达成妥协。幸运的是，由于欧洲战争的压力以及海地的奴隶起义，拿破仑不得不重新考虑他庞大的北美领土。海地的反叛奴隶与黄热病的爆发一起击败了法国军队，剥夺了拿破仑控制海地（利润丰厚的糖厂所在地）的能力。拿破仑决定减少损失，提出以1500万美元出售整个路易斯安那地区——相当于今天的2.5亿美元。利文斯顿与拿破仑外交部长塔列朗（Talleyrand）的谈判，比杰斐逊和利文斯顿预期的要成功得多。

Jefferson made an inquiry to his cabinet regarding the constitutionality of the Louisiana Purchase, but he believed he was obliged to operate outside the strict limitations of the Constitution if the good of the nation was at stake, as his ultimate responsibility was to the American people. Jefferson felt he should be able to “throw himself on the justice of his country” when he facilitated the interests of the very people he served.

杰斐逊向内阁询问了路易斯安那购买的合宪性，但他认为，如果国家利益受到威胁，他有责任超越宪法的严格限制，因为他最终的责任是对美国人民负责。杰斐逊认为，当他推动符合民众利益的事务时，应该能够“依赖国家的正义”来行动。

Jefferson’s foreign policy, particularly the Embargo Act of 1807, elicited the most outrage from his Federalist critics. As Napoleon Bonaparte’s armies moved across Europe, Jefferson wrote to a European friend that he was glad that God had “divided the dry lands of your hemisphere from the dry lands of ours, and said ‘here, at least, be there peace.’” Unfortunately, the Atlantic Ocean soon became the site of Jefferson’s greatest foreign policy test, as England, France, and Spain refused to respect American ships’ neutrality. The greatest offenses came from the British, who resumed the policy of impressment, seizing thousands of American sailors and forcing them to fight for the British navy.

杰斐逊的外交政策，特别是1807年的禁运法案，引发了联邦党人的强烈反对。当拿破仑·波拿巴的军队横扫欧洲时，杰斐逊曾写信给一位欧洲朋友，表示他很高兴上帝“将你们半球的陆地与我们半球的陆地分开，并说‘至少这里要有和平’”。不幸的是，大西洋很快成为杰斐逊外交政策的最大考验，因为英格兰、法国和西班牙拒绝尊重美国船只的中立性。最大的侵害来自英国，他们恢复了强迫征兵（impressment）政策，扣押了数千名美国水手，强迫他们为英国海军作战。

Many Americans called for war when the British attacked the USS Chesapeake in 1807. The president, however, decided on a policy of “peaceable coercion” and Congress agreed. Under the Embargo Act of 1807, American ports were closed to all foreign trade in hopes of avoiding war. Jefferson hoped that an embargo would force European nations to respect American neutrality. Historians disagree over the wisdom of peaceable coercion. At first, withholding commerce rather than declaring war appeared to be the ultimate means of nonviolent conflict resolution. In practice, the embargo hurt the U.S. economy. Even Jefferson’s personal finances suffered. When Americans resorted to smuggling their goods out of the country, Jefferson expanded governmental powers to try to enforce their compliance, leading some to label him a “tyrant.”

许多美国人在1807年英国袭击“切萨皮克号”（USS Chesapeake）军舰后呼吁战争。然而，杰斐逊决定采取“和平胁迫”政策，并得到了国会的支持。根据1807年的禁运法案，美国港口对所有外国贸易关闭，以期避免战争。杰斐逊希望禁运能够迫使欧洲国家尊重美国的中立性。历史学家对和平胁迫的智慧存在分歧。起初，停止贸易而非宣战似乎是非暴力解决冲突的最终手段。但实际上，禁运伤害了美国经济，甚至杰斐逊的个人财务也受到影响。当美国人开始走私货物出国时，杰斐逊扩大了政府权力以尝试强制执行禁运规定，这导致一些人称他为“暴君”。

Criticism of Jefferson’s policies reflected the same rhetoric his supporters had used earlier against Adams and the Federalists. Federalists attacked the American Philosophical Society and the study of natural history, believing both to be too saturated with Democratic-Republicans. Some Federalists lamented the alleged decline of educational standards for children. Moreover, James Callender published accusations (that were later proven credible by DNA evidence) that Jefferson was involved in a sexual relationship with Sally Hemings, one of his enslaved laborers. Callender referred to Jefferson as “our little mulatto president,” suggesting that sex with an enslaved person had somehow compromised Jefferson’s racial integrity. Callender’s accusation joined previous Federalist attacks on Jefferson’s racial politics, including a scathing pamphlet written by South Carolinian William Loughton Smith in 1796 that described the principles of Jeffersonian democracy as the beginning of a slippery slope to dangerous racial equality.

对杰斐逊政策的批评反映了他的支持者在早期对亚当斯和联邦党的批评所使用的相同言辞。联邦党人攻击美国哲学学会和自然历史研究，认为这两者充斥着民主-共和党人。有些联邦党人感叹儿童教育标准 reportedly 下降。此外，詹姆斯·卡伦德（James Callender）发表了指控（后来通过DNA证据得到了证实），称杰斐逊与萨莉·海明斯（Sally Hemings），他的一个奴隶劳工，发生了性关系。卡伦德称杰斐逊为“我们的小混血总统”，暗示与奴隶发生性关系在某种程度上损害了杰斐逊的种族完整性。卡伦德的指控与联邦党人之前对杰斐逊种族政治的攻击相结合，包括南卡罗来纳州的威廉·劳顿·史密斯（William Loughton Smith）于1796年所写的一本尖刻的小册子，书中描述了杰斐逊民主主义原则是走向危险种族平等的滑坡的开始。

Arguments lamenting the democratization of America were far less effective than those that borrowed from democratic language and alleged that Jefferson’s actions undermined the sovereignty of the people. When Federalists attacked Jefferson, they often accused him of acting against the interests of the very public he claimed to serve. This tactic represented a pivotal development. As the Federalists scrambled to stay politically relevant, it became apparent that their ideology—rooted in eighteenth-century notions of virtue, paternalistic rule by wealthy elite, and the deference of ordinary citizens to an aristocracy of merit—was no longer tenable. The Federalists’ adoption of republican political rhetoric signaled a new political landscape in which both parties embraced the direct involvement of the citizenry. The Democratic-Republican Party rose to power on the promise to expand voting and promote a more direct link between political leaders and the electorate. The American populace continued to demand more direct access to political power. Jefferson, James Madison, and James Monroe sought to expand voting through policies that made it easier for Americans to purchase land. Under their leadership, seven new states entered the Union. By 1824, only three states still had rules about how much property someone had to own before he could vote. Never again would the Federalists regain dominance over either Congress or the presidency; the last Federalist to run for president, Rufus King, lost to Monroe in 1816.

那些哀叹美国民主化进程的论调，比起那些借用民主语言并声称杰斐逊的行为破坏人民主权的论点，效果要差得多。当联邦党人攻击杰斐逊时，他们常常指责他违背了他所声称代表的公众利益。这一策略标志着一个关键的转变。随着联邦党人急于保持政治相关性，显而易见，他们的意识形态——根植于18世纪关于美德的观念、富裕精英的家长式统治，以及普通公民对精英阶层的顺从——已不再可行。联邦党人采用共和政治话语标志着一个新的政治格局，在这个格局中，两个党派都接受了公民直接参与的理念。民主-共和党在扩展选民权并促进政治领导人与选民之间更直接联系的承诺上崛起。美国民众继续要求更多的政治权力直接参与。杰斐逊、詹姆斯·麦迪逊和詹姆斯·门罗通过促进美国人购买土地的政策，努力扩大投票权。在他们的领导下，七个新州加入了联邦。到1824年，只有三个州仍然规定选民必须拥有一定的财产才能投票。联邦党人再也无法在国会或总统职位上恢复主导地位；最后一位竞选总统的联邦党人鲁弗斯·金（Rufus King）于1816年败给了门罗。

V. Native American Power and the United States

五、印第安人的权力与美利坚合众国

The Jeffersonian rhetoric of equality contrasted harshly with the reality of a nation stratified along the lines of gender, class, race, and ethnicity. Diplomatic relations between Native Americans and local, state, and national governments offer a dramatic example of the dangers of those inequalities. Prior to the Revolution, many Native American nations had balanced a delicate diplomacy between European empires, which scholars have called the Play-off System. Moreover, in many parts of North America, Indigenous peoples dominated social relations.

杰斐逊的平等言辞与美国这个在性别、阶级、种族和族群方面分化的现实形成了鲜明对比。印第安人与地方、州及联邦政府之间的外交关系提供了一个戏剧性的例子，展示了这些不平等所带来的危险。革命前，许多印第安部落在欧洲帝国之间保持着微妙的外交关系，这种外交策略被学者称为“竞赛制度”。此外，在北美的许多地区，土著人民主导了社会关系。

Americans pushed for more land in all their interactions with Native diplomats and leaders. But boundaries were only one source of tension. Trade, criminal jurisdiction, roads, the sale of liquor, and alliances were also key negotiating points. Despite their role in fighting on both sides, Native American negotiators were not included in the diplomatic negotiations that ended the Revolutionary War. Unsurprisingly, the final document omitted concessions for Native allies. Even as Native peoples proved vital trading partners, scouts, and allies against hostile nations, they were often condemned by white settlers and government officials as “savages.” White ridicule of Indigenous practices and disregard for Indigenous nations’ property rights and sovereignty prompted some Indigenous peoples to turn away from white practices.

美国人在与印第安外交官和领导人交涉时，始终推动更多的土地占领。然而，边界仅仅是其中一个紧张源头。贸易、刑事管辖、道路、酒精销售和结盟也是关键的谈判内容。尽管印第安人参与了双方的战争，印第安谈判代表却未被纳入结束革命战争的外交谈判中。不出所料，最终的条约中没有为印第安盟友做出让步。即使印第安人是重要的贸易伙伴、侦察员和抵抗敌对国家的盟友，他们常常被白人定居者和政府官员视为“野蛮人”。白人对土著习俗的嘲笑，以及对土著民族财产权和主权的漠视，促使一些印第安人远离白人习俗。

In the wake of the American Revolution, Native American diplomats developed relationships with the United States, maintained or ceased relations with the British Empire (or with Spain in the South), and negotiated their relationship with other Native nations. Formal diplomatic negotiations included Native rituals to reestablish relationships and open communication. Treaty conferences took place in Native towns, at neutral sites in borderlands, and in state and federal capitals. While chiefs were politically important, skilled orators, such as Red Jacket, as well as intermediaries, and interpreters also played key roles in negotiations. Native American orators were known for metaphorical language, command of an audience, and compelling voice and gestures.

在美国独立战争之后，印第安外交官与美国建立了关系，同时与英国帝国（或南方的西班牙）维持或断绝了联系，并与其他印第安民族协商他们的关系。在正式的外交谈判中，印第安人采用了恢复关系和开放沟通的仪式。条约会议通常在印第安人聚集的城镇、边疆的中立地点，以及州和联邦首都举行。尽管酋长在政治上很重要，但熟练的演说家（如红夹克）、中介和翻译也在谈判中发挥了关键作用。印第安演说家以其形象生动的比喻语言、掌控听众的能力、以及令人信服的声音和手势而闻名。

Throughout the early republic, diplomacy was preferred to war. Violence and warfare carried enormous costs for all parties—in lives, money, trade disruptions, and reputation. Diplomacy allowed parties to air their grievances, negotiate their relationships, and minimize violence. Violent conflicts arose when diplomacy failed.

在早期的美利坚共和国，外交往往比战争更受青睐。暴力和战争对各方都带来了巨大的成本——无论是在生命、财务、贸易中断还是声誉方面。外交使各方能够表达不满、协商关系并尽量减少暴力。暴力冲突发生在外交未能奏效时。

Native diplomacy testified to the complexity of Indigenous cultures and their role in shaping the politics and policy of American communities, states, and the federal government. Yet white attitudes, words, and policies frequently relegated Native peoples to the literal and figurative margins as “ignorant savages.” Poor treatment like this inspired hostility and calls for alliances from leaders of distinct Native nations, including the Shawnee leader Tecumseh.

土著外交证明了土著文化的复杂性以及他们在塑造美国社区、州和联邦政府的政治与政策中的作用。然而，白人对土著人民的态度、言辞和政策经常将他们贬低为“无知的野蛮人”，无论是在字面上还是在象征意义上。这种不公正的待遇激发了敌意，并促使来自不同土著国家的领袖寻求结盟，其中包括肖尼部落的领袖特库姆塞（Tecumseh）。

Tecumseh and his brother, Tenskwatawa, the Prophet, helped envision an alliance of North America’s Indigenous populations to halt the encroachments of the United States. They created towns in present-day Indiana, first at Greenville, then at Prophetstown, in defiance of the Treaty of Greenville (1795). Tecumseh traveled to many diverse Native nations from Canada to Georgia, calling for unification, resistance, and the restoration of sacred power.

特库姆塞和他的兄弟坦斯夸塔瓦（Tenskwatawa），即“先知”（the Prophet），共同构想了一个北美土著民族联盟，旨在阻止美国的扩张。他们在今天的印第安纳州建立了多个聚落，最初是在格林维尔，然后是先知镇（Prophetstown），以抗议《格林维尔条约》（Treaty of Greenville, 1795年）。特库姆塞走访了从加拿大到佐治亚州的许多不同土著国家，呼吁统一、抵抗并恢复神圣的权力。

Tecumseh and Tenskwatawa’s confederacy was the culmination of many movements that swept through Indigenous North America during the eighteenth century. An earlier coalition fought in Pontiac’s War. Neolin, the Delaware prophet, influenced Pontiac, an Ottawa (Odawa) war chief, with his vision of Native independence, cultural renewal, and religious revitalization. Through Neolin, the Master of Life—the Great Spirit—urged Native peoples to shrug off their dependency on European goods and technologies, reassert their faith in Native spirituality and rituals, and cooperate with one another against the “White people’s ways and nature.” Additionally, Neolin advocated violence against British encroachments on Native American lands, which escalated after the Seven Years’ War. His message was particularly effective in the Ohio and Upper Susquehanna Valleys, where polyglot communities of Indigenous refugees and migrants from across eastern North America lived together. When combined with the militant leadership of Pontiac, who took up Neolin’s message, the many Native peoples of the region united in attacks against British forts and people. From 1763 until 1765, the Great Lakes, Ohio Valley, and Upper Susquehanna Valley areas were embroiled in a war between Pontiac’s confederacy and the British Empire, a war that ultimately forced the English to restructure how they managed Native-British relations and trade.

特库姆塞和坦斯夸塔瓦的联盟是18世纪北美土著民族多个运动的顶峰。早期的一个联盟参与了庞蒂亚克战争（Pontiac's War）。德拉瓦尔（Delaware）部落的先知内奥林（Neolin）影响了渥太华（Ottawa）族的战争首领庞蒂亚克（Pontiac），并提出了土著民族独立、文化复兴和宗教复兴的理念。通过内奥林，生命之主——伟大的精神——敦促土著人民摆脱对欧洲商品和技术的依赖，重新坚定信仰土著的精神和仪式，并团结起来共同抵制“白人之道和本性”。此外，内奥林提倡对英国对土著领土的侵占进行暴力反抗，而这种侵占在七年战争后加剧了。内奥林的信息在俄亥俄州和上苏斯克汉纳谷尤其有效，这里生活着来自北美东部各地的土著难民和迁徙者的多元文化社群。当内奥林的思想与庞蒂亚克的军事领导相结合时，地区内的多个土著部落联合起来，向英国的堡垒和人民发动攻击。从1763年到1765年，大湖区、俄亥俄河谷和上苏斯克汉纳谷爆发了一场由庞蒂亚克联盟与英国帝国之间的战争，这场战争最终迫使英国重新调整如何管理与土著的关系和贸易。

In the interim between 1765 and 1811, other Native prophets kept Neolin’s message alive while encouraging Indigenous peoples to resist Euro-American encroachments. These individuals included the Ottawa leader “the Trout,” also called Maya-Ga-Wy; Joseph Brant of the Iroquois (Haudenosaunee); the Creek headman Mad Dog; Painted Pole of the Shawnee; a Mohawk woman named Coocoochee; Main Poc of the Potawatomi; and the Seneca prophet Handsome Lake. Once again, the epicenter of this resistance and revitalization originated in the Ohio Valley and Great Lakes regions, where from 1791 to 1795 a joint force of Shawnee, Delaware, Miami, Iroquois, Ojibwe, Ottawa, Huron, Potawatomi, Mingo, Chickamauga, and other Indigenous peoples waged war against the American republic. Although this “Western Confederacy” ultimately suffered defeat at the Battle of Fallen Timbers in 1794, this Native coalition achieved a number of military victories against the republic, including the destruction of two American armies, forcing President Washington to reformulate federal policy. Tecumseh’s experiences as a warrior against the American military in this conflict probably influenced his later efforts to generate solidarity among North American Indigenous communities.

在1765年到1811年间，其他土著先知继续传承内奥林的信息，并鼓励土著人民抵抗欧裔美国人的侵占。这些人物包括渥太华族的领导人“鳟鱼”（Trout），也叫做玛雅-加-维（Maya-Ga-Wy）；易洛魁联盟的约瑟夫·布兰特（Joseph Brant）；克里克部落的首领疯狗（Mad Dog）；肖尼族的画杆（Painted Pole）；一位名叫库库奇（Coocoochee）的莫霍克女性；波塔瓦托米族的梅恩·波克（Main Poc）；以及塞内卡族的先知俊美湖（Handsome Lake）。这股抵抗和复兴的中心再次出现在俄亥俄河谷和大湖地区。在这里，从1791年到1795年，肖尼族、德拉瓦尔族、迈阿密族、易洛魁族、奥吉布瓦族、渥太华族、休伦族、波塔瓦托米族、明戈族、奇卡穆加族和其他土著民族联合起来对美国共和国发动了战争。尽管这个“西方联盟”最终在1794年的“堕木之战”（Battle of Fallen Timbers）中遭到失败，但这支土著联盟在军事上取得了若干胜利，包括摧毁了两支美国军队，迫使华盛顿总统重新制定联邦政策。特库姆塞作为一名在这场冲突中对抗美国军队的战士，他的经历很可能影响了他后来的努力，推动北美土著社群的团结。

Tecumseh and Tenskwatawa articulated ideas and beliefs similar to their eighteenth-century predecessors. In particular, Tenskwatawa pronounced that the Master of Life entrusted him and Tecumseh with the responsibility for returning Native peoples to the one true path and to rid Native communities of the dangerous and corrupting influences of Euro-American trade and culture. Tenskwatawa stressed the need for cultural and religious renewal, which coincided with his blending of the tenets, traditions, and rituals of Indigenous religions and Christianity. In particular, Tenskwatawa emphasized apocalyptic visions that he and his followers would usher in a new world and restore Native power to the continent. For Native peoples who gravitated to the Shawnee brothers, this emphasis on cultural and religious revitalization was empowering and spiritually liberating, especially given the continuous American assaults on Native land and power in the early nineteenth century.

特库姆塞和天斯夸塔瓦阐述的思想和信仰与他们18世纪的前辈们相似。特别是天斯夸塔瓦宣称，生命之主赋予他和特库姆塞的责任，就是引导土著人民回到正道，驱除欧裔美国贸易和文化带来的危险与腐化影响。天斯夸塔瓦强调文化和宗教的复兴，这与他融合土著宗教和基督教的教义、传统和仪式相契合。特别是，天斯夸塔瓦强调末日的预言，认为他和他的追随者将带来一个新世界，恢复土著的力量，回到整个大陆。对于那些聚集在肖尼兄弟周围的土著人民来说，这种对文化和宗教复兴的强调具有赋能作用，并且在精神上具有解放意义，尤其是在19世纪初，美国持续对土著土地和权力的侵犯的背景下。

Tecumseh’s confederacy drew heavily from Indigenous communities in the Old Northwest and the festering hatred for land-hungry Americans. Tecumseh attracted a wealth of allies in his adamant refusal to concede any more land. Tecumseh proclaimed that the Master of Life tasked him with the responsibility of returning Native lands to their rightful owners. In his efforts to promote unity among Native peoples, Tecumseh also offered these communities a distinctly Native American identity that brought disparate Native peoples together under the banner of a common spirituality, together resisting an oppressive force. In short, spirituality tied together the resistance movement. Tecumseh and Tenskwatawa were not above using this unifying rhetoric to legitimate their own authority within Indigenous communities at the expense of other Native leaders. This manifested most visibly during Tenskwatawa’s witch hunts of the 1800s. Those who opposed Tenskwatawa or sought to accommodate Americans were labeled witches.

特库姆塞的联盟来自“旧西北”地区的土著社区，且他对贪得无厌的美国人充满了憎恨。特库姆塞因坚决拒绝再让出任何土地而吸引了大量的盟友。他宣称，生命之主赋予他将土著土地归还给合法所有者的责任。在努力促进土著人民团结的过程中，特库姆塞也为这些社群提供了一个独特的土著美国人身份，将不同的土著人民团结在共同的精神信仰下，共同抵抗压迫力量。简而言之，精神性将抵抗运动联系在一起。特库姆塞和天斯夸塔瓦并不回避利用这种统一的言辞来为他们自己在土著社群中的权威提供合法性，甚至以牺牲其他土著领导人的利益为代价。这一做法最明显地表现为天斯夸塔瓦在1800年代进行的女巫追捕。那些反对天斯夸塔瓦或寻求与美国人妥协的人被贴上了女巫的标签。

While Tecumseh attracted Native peoples from around the Northwest, the Red Stick Creeks brought these ideas to the Southeast. Led by the Creek prophet Hillis Hadjo, who accompanied Tecumseh when he toured throughout the Southeast in 1811, the Red Sticks integrated certain religious tenets from the north and invented new religious practices specific to the Creeks, all the while communicating and coordinating with Tecumseh after he left Creek Country. In doing so, the Red Sticks joined Tecumseh in his resistance movement while seeking to purge Creek society of its Euro-American dependencies. Creek leaders who maintained relationships with the United States, in contrast, believed that accommodation and diplomacy might stave off American encroachments better than violence.

虽然特库姆塞吸引了来自西北地区的土著人民，但红棍克里克人（Red Stick Creek）将这些思想带到了东南地区。在克里克先知希利斯·哈乔（Hilis Hadjo）的领导下，他曾在1811年随特库姆塞一起游历东南地区，红棍克里克人将北方的某些宗教信条与克里克人特有的宗教实践相结合，同时在特库姆塞离开克里克国后与他保持沟通和协调。通过这样做，红棍克里克人与特库姆塞一同加入了抵抗运动，并寻求净化克里克社会中的欧美文化依赖。与此相对的是，那些与美国保持关系的克里克领导人认为，妥协和外交可能比暴力更能抵御美国的侵占。

Additionally, the Red Sticks discovered that most southeastern Indigenous leaders cared little for Tecumseh’s confederacy. This lack of allies hindered the spread of a movement in the southeast, and the Red Sticks soon found themselves in a civil war against other Creeks. Tecumseh thus found little support in the Southeast beyond the Red Sticks, who by 1813 were cut off from the North by Andrew Jackson. Shortly thereafter, Jackson’s forces were joined by Lower Creek and Cherokee forces that helped defeat the Red Sticks, culminating in Jackson’s victory at the Battle of Horseshoe Bend. Following their defeat, the Red Sticks were forced to cede an unprecedented fourteen million acres of land in the Treaty of Fort Jackson. As historian Adam Rothman argues, the defeat of the Red Sticks allowed the United States to expand west of the Mississippi, guaranteeing the continued existence and profitability of slavery.

此外，红棍克里克人发现，大多数东南地区的土著领导人对特库姆塞的联盟并不感兴趣。这种缺乏盟友的局面阻碍了该运动在东南部的传播，红棍克里克人很快发现自己陷入了与其他克里克人的内战。因此，特库姆塞在东南部几乎没有得到支持，除红棍克里克人外，其他地区的土著人未曾加入他的联盟。到了1813年，红棍克里克人被安德鲁·杰克逊切断了与北方的联系。很快，杰克逊的军队得到了下克里克（Lower Creek）和切罗基人（Cherokee）的支持，帮助击败了红棍克里克人，最终杰克逊在战斗中取得了胜利，即著名的“马蹄湾战役”（Battle of Horseshoe Bend）。在他们失败后，红棍克里克人被迫在《杰克逊堡条约》（Treaty of Fort Jackson）中割让了前所未有的1400万英亩土地。正如历史学家亚当·罗斯曼（Adam Rothman）所言，红棍克里克人的失败使美国得以扩展到密西西比河以西，保障了奴隶制的持续存在和盈利能力。

Many Native leaders refused to join Tecumseh and instead maintained their loyalties to the American republic. After the failures of Native American unity and loss at the Battle of Tippecanoe in 1811, Tecumseh’s confederation floundered. The War of 1812 between the United States and Britain offered new opportunities for Tecumseh and his followers. With the United States distracted, Tecumseh and his confederated army seized several American forts on their own initiative. Eventually Tecumseh solicited British aid after sustaining heavy losses from American fighters at Fort Wayne and Fort Harrison. Even then, the confederacy faced an uphill battle, particularly after American naval forces secured control of the Great Lakes in September 1813, forcing British ships and reinforcements to retreat. Yet Tecumseh and his Native allies fought on despite being surrounded by American forces. Tecumseh told the British commander Henry Proctor, “Our lives are in the hands of the Great Spirit. We are determined to defend our lands, and if it is his will, we wish to leave our bones upon them.” Soon thereafter, Tecumseh fell on the battlefields of Moraviantown, Ontario, in October 1813. His death dealt a severe blow to Native American resistance against the United States. Men like Tecumseh and Pontiac, however, left behind a legacy of Native American unity that was not soon forgotten.

许多土著领导人拒绝加入特库姆塞的联盟，反而继续忠于美国共和国。在1811年“提佩卡努战役”（Battle of Tippecanoe）失败后，特库姆塞的联盟势力遭遇挫折。1812年美国与英国之间的战争为特库姆塞和他的追随者提供了新的机会。在美国分心的情况下，特库姆塞和他的联盟军队主动占领了几座美国的军事要塞。最终，在遭遇美国军队在“韦恩堡”（Fort Wayne）和“哈里森堡”（Fort Harrison）的重创后，特库姆塞请求英国提供援助。即便如此，联盟依然面临巨大的挑战，特别是在1813年9月，美国海军成功控制了五大湖，迫使英国舰船和增援部队撤退。尽管被美国军队围困，特库姆塞和他的土著盟友依旧奋力抵抗。特库姆塞对英国指挥官亨利·普罗克特（Henry Procter）说：“我们的生命掌握在伟大的精神手中。我们决心捍卫我们的土地，如果这是他的意愿，我们愿意把骨头留在这片土地上。”不久之后，特库姆塞在1813年10月的“莫拉维安镇战役”（Battle of the Thames）中阵亡。他的死亡对土著人对抗美国的抵抗运动造成了严重打击。然而，像特库姆塞和庞蒂亚克这样的领导人，留下了土著人团结的遗产，这份遗产并未很快被遗忘。

VI. The War of 1812

六、1812年战争

Soon after Jefferson retired from the presidency in 1808, Congress ended the embargo and the British relaxed their policies toward American ships. Despite the embargo’s unpopularity, Jefferson still believed that more time would have proven that peaceable coercion worked. Yet war with Britain loomed—a war that would galvanize the young American nation.

在1808年杰斐逊卸任总统后不久，国会结束了禁运，而英国也放宽了对美国船只的政策。尽管禁运并不受欢迎，杰斐逊仍然认为，如果再给它一些时间，和平胁迫政策会证明有效。然而，与英国的战争却逐渐显现——一场将激发年轻美国国家团结的战争。

The War of 1812 stemmed from American entanglement in two distinct sets of international issues. The first had to do with the nation’s desire to maintain its position as a neutral trading nation during the series of Anglo-French wars, which began in the aftermath of the French Revolution in 1793. The second had older roots in the colonial and Revolutionary era. In both cases, American interests conflicted with those of the British Empire. British leaders showed little interest in accommodating the Americans.

1812年战争源于美国卷入两组截然不同的国际问题。第一组问题涉及美国希望在英法战争系列中保持中立的贸易国地位，英法战争自1793年法国大革命后开始。第二组问题则有更深的根源，追溯到殖民时期和革命时期。在这两种情况下，美国的利益都与英国帝国的利益发生冲突。英国领导人对迎合美国表现得兴趣甚少。

Impressments, the practice of forcing American sailors to join the British Navy, was among the most important sources of conflict between the two nations. Driven in part by trade with Europe, the American economy grew quickly during the first decade of the nineteenth century, creating a labor shortage in the American shipping industry. In response, pay rates for sailors increased and American captains recruited heavily from the ranks of British sailors. As a result, around 30 percent of sailors employed on American merchant ships were British. As a republic, the Americans advanced the notion that people could become citizens by renouncing their allegiance to their home nation. To the British, a person born in the British Empire was a subject of that empire for life, a status they could not change. The British Navy was embroiled in a difficult war and was unwilling to lose any of its labor force. In order to regain lost crewmen, the British often boarded American ships to reclaim their sailors. Of course, many American sailors found themselves caught up in these sweeps and “impressed” into the service of the British Navy. Between 1803 and 1812, some six thousand Americans suffered this fate. The British would release Americans who could prove their identity, but this process could take years while the sailor endured harsh conditions and the dangers of the Royal Navy.

“征兵”（impressment）是两国之间冲突的主要根源之一，这一做法指的是强迫美国水手加入英国海军。部分原因是与欧洲的贸易，美国经济在19世纪初的十年中迅速增长，造成了美国航运业劳动力短缺。为应对这一问题，水手的薪资增加，美国船长大量招募英国海员。因此，大约30%的美国商船水手都是英国人。作为一个共和国，美国提倡人们通过放弃对故国的忠诚成为公民。然而对于英国人来说，生于英国帝国的人终生是该帝国的臣民，这一身份无法改变。英国海军当时正陷入一场艰难的战争，不愿失去任何一名劳动力。为了寻回流失船员，英国海军经常登上美国船只，强行掳走其水手。当然，许多美国水手在这些“征兵”行动中被抓走，强迫进入英国海军服役。1803年至1812年间，约有六千名美国人遭遇了这种命运。英国会释放能够证明身份的美国水手，但这一过程可能需要数年时间，而水手们则忍受着英国皇家海军的严酷条件和危险。

In 1806, responding to a French declaration of a complete naval blockade of Great Britain, the British demanded that neutral ships first carry their goods to Britain to pay a transit duty before they could proceed to France. Despite loopholes in these policies between 1807 and 1812, Britain, France, and their allies seized about nine hundred American ships, prompting a swift and angry American response. Jefferson’s embargo sent the nation into a deep depression and drove exports down from $108 million in 1807 to $22 million in 1808, all while having little effect on Europeans. Within fifteen months Congress repealed the Embargo Act, replacing it with smaller restrictions on trade with Britain and France. Although efforts to stand against Great Britain had failed, resentment of British trade policy remained widespread.

1806年，英国回应法国宣布对大不列颠实施完全海上封锁的举动，要求中立船只首先将货物运送到英国，缴纳过境税后才能继续前往法国。尽管在1807至1812年间这些政策存在漏洞，但英国、法国及其盟国还是扣押了约九百艘美国船只，促使美国迅速且愤怒地作出回应。杰斐逊的禁运法令使国家陷入深度经济衰退，出口从1807年的1.08亿美元降至1808年的2200万美元，而对欧洲的影响微乎其微。仅仅十五个月后，国会便废除了禁运法令，改为对与英国和法国的贸易实施更为温和的限制。尽管与大不列颠的对抗未能成功，但对英国贸易政策的愤恨情绪依然在美国广泛存在。

Far from the Atlantic Ocean on the American frontier, Americans were also at odds with the British Empire. From their position in Canada, the British maintained relations with Native Americans in the Old Northwest, supplying them with goods and weapons in attempts to maintain ties in case of another war with the United States. The threat of a Native uprising increased after 1805 when Tenskwatawa and Tecumseh built their alliance. The territorial governor of Indiana, William Henry Harrison, eventually convinced the Madison administration to allow for military action against the Native Americans in the Ohio Valley. The resulting Battle of Tippecanoe drove the followers of the Prophet from their gathering place but did little to change the dynamics of the region. British efforts to arm and supply Native Americans, however, angered Americans and strengthened anti-British sentiments.

在远离大西洋的美洲边疆，美国人与大不列颠帝国的矛盾同样加剧。从加拿大的立场出发，英国与位于美国旧西北的印第安人保持联系，向他们提供商品和武器，试图在与美国发生战争时维持这种关系。1805年后，随着坦斯夸塔瓦和特库姆塞建立联盟，印第安人起义的威胁进一步加剧。印第安纳州的领地总督威廉·亨利·哈里森（William Henry Harrison）最终说服麦迪逊政府允许对俄亥俄谷的印第安人采取军事行动。随后的“提皮卡努之战”（Battle of Tippecanoe）将先知的追随者从他们的聚集地驱逐，但对该地区的局势变化影响甚微。然而，英国对印第安人的武器和物资支持激怒了美国人，进一步加剧了反英情绪。

Republicans began to talk of war as a solution to these problems, arguing that it was necessary to complete the War for Independence by preventing British efforts to keep America subjugated at sea and on land. The war would also represent another battle against the Loyalists, some thirty-eight thousand of whom had populated Upper Canada after the Revolution and sought to establish a counter to the radical experiment of the United States.

共和党人开始将战争视为解决这些问题的办法，认为有必要通过阻止英国在海上和陆地上维持对美国的控制，来完成独立战争的使命。这场战争也将代表对效忠派（Loyalist）的又一次斗争。独立战争后，约有三万八千名效忠派定居在加拿大上部，他们试图为美国的激进实验建立一个对立面。

In 1812, the Democratic-Republicans held 75 percent of the seats in the House and 82 percent of the Senate, giving them a free hand to set national policy. Among them were the “War Hawks,” whom one historian describes as “too young to remember the horrors of the American Revolution” and thus “willing to risk another British war to vindicate the nation’s rights and independence.” This group included men who would remain influential long after the War of 1812, such as Henry Clay of Kentucky and John C. Calhoun of South Carolina.

在1812年，民主-共和党掌握了75%的众议院席位和82%的参议院席位，使他们能够自由地制定国家政策。在他们之中，有一群被称为“战鹰”（War Hawks）的人，一位历史学家形容他们为“太年轻，记不得美国独立战争的恐怖”，因此“愿意冒险再次与英国开战，以捍卫国家的权利和独立”。这个群体包括一些在1812年战争后仍然具有重要影响力的人物，如肯塔基州的亨利·克莱（Henry Clay）和南卡罗来纳州的约翰·C·卡尔霍恩（John C. Calhoun）。

Convinced by the War Hawks in his party, Madison drafted a statement of the nation’s disputes with the British and asked Congress for a war declaration on June 1, 1812. The Democratic-Republicans hoped that an invasion of Canada might remove the British from their backyard and force the empire to change their naval policies. After much negotiation in Congress over the details of the bill, Madison signed a declaration of war on June 18, 1812. For the second time, the United States was at war with Great Britain.

在党内战鹰的劝说下，麦迪逊草拟了关于美国与英国争端的声明，并于1812年6月1日向国会请求宣战。民主-共和党人希望通过入侵加拿大，迫使英国从美国的“后院”撤离，并迫使帝国改变他们的海军政策。经过国会对法案细节的多次谈判，麦迪逊最终在1812年6月18日签署了宣战书。美国第二次与大不列颠帝国开战。

While the War of 1812 contained two key players—the United States and Great Britain—it also drew in other groups, such as Tecumseh and his Confederacy. The war can be organized into three stages or theaters. The first, the Atlantic Theater, lasted until the spring of 1813. During this time, Great Britain was chiefly occupied in Europe against Napoleon, and the United States invaded Canada and sent their fledgling navy against British ships. During the second stage, from early 1813 to 1814, the United States launched their second offensive against Canada and the Great Lakes. In this period, the Americans won their first successes. The third stage, the Southern Theater, concluded with Andrew Jackson’s January 1815 victory outside New Orleans, Louisiana.

虽然1812年战争的主要对手是美国和大不列颠，但它也涉及到其他重要的力量，如特库姆塞和他的联盟。战争可以分为三个阶段或战区。第一个战区是大西洋战区，持续到1813年春季。在这一阶段，大不列颠主要集中精力应对拿破仑的威胁，而美国则入侵加拿大，并派出刚刚成立的海军与英国舰船作战。第二阶段从1813年初持续到1814年，美国再次发动了对加拿大和五大湖的第二次进攻。在这一期间，美国取得了一些初步的胜利。第三阶段是南方战区，最终以安德鲁·杰克逊（Andrew Jackson）于1815年1月在路易斯安那州新奥尔良附近的胜利而告终。

During the war, the Americans were greatly interested in Canada and the Great Lakes borderlands. In July 1812, the United States launched their first offensive against Canada. By August, however, the British and their allies rebuffed the Americans, costing the United States control over Detroit and parts of the Michigan Territory. By the close of 1813, the Americans recaptured Detroit, shattered the Confederacy, killed Tecumseh, and eliminated the British threat in that theater. Despite these accomplishments, the American land forces proved outmatched by their adversaries.

在战争期间，美国对加拿大和五大湖边界地区极为关注。1812年7月，美国发动了首次对加拿大的进攻。然而，到8月，英国及其盟友成功反击，美国失去了底特律和密歇根领土的部分控制权。到1813年底，美国收复了底特律，打破了特库姆塞的联盟，击杀了特库姆塞，并消除了该战区的英国威胁。尽管取得了这些成就，但美国的陆军力量仍然被敌人压制。

After the land campaign of 1812 failed to secure America’s war aims, Americans turned to the infant navy in 1813. Privateers and the U.S. Navy rallied behind the slogan “Free Trade and Sailors’ Rights!” Although the British possessed the most powerful navy in the world, surprisingly the young American navy extracted early victories with larger, more heavily armed ships. By 1814, however, the major naval battles had been fought with little effect on the war’s outcome.

在1812年的陆地战役未能实现美国的战争目标后，美国转向了刚刚成立的海军。在1813年，私掠船和美国海军以“自由贸易与水手权利！”为口号展开了战斗。尽管英国拥有世界上最强大的海军，但令人惊讶的是，年轻的美国海军凭借较大且装备更重的舰船取得了早期的胜利。然而，到1814年，主要的海战已经结束，对战争的结果几乎没有产生实质性影响。

With Britain’s main naval fleet fighting in the Napoleonic Wars, smaller ships and armaments stationed in North America were generally no match for their American counterparts. Early on, Americans humiliated the British in single ship battles. In retaliation, Captain Philip Broke of the HMS Shannon attacked the USS Chesapeake, captained by James Lawrence, on June 1, 1813. Within six minutes, the Chesapeake was destroyed and Lawrence mortally wounded. Yet the Americans did not give up. Lawrence commanded them, “Tell the men to fire faster! Don’t give up the ship!” Lawrence died of his wounds three days later, and although the Shannon defeated the Chesapeake, Lawrence’s words became a rallying cry for the Americans.

由于英国的主力舰队正在参加拿破仑战争，驻扎在北美的较小舰船和武器通常无法与美国舰艇匹敌。早期，美国在单舰对决中羞辱了英国。然而，作为报复，英国海军的菲利普·布鲁克（Philip Broke）舰长率领英国皇家海军“香农号”（HMS Shannon）于1813年6月1日攻击了由詹姆斯·劳伦斯（James Lawrence）舰长指挥的美国海军“切萨皮克号”（USS Chesapeake）。在六分钟内，“切萨皮克号”被摧毁，劳伦斯也受重伤。然而，美国人并没有放弃。劳伦斯指挥道：“告诉水手们加速开火！不要放弃战舰！”劳伦斯在三天后因伤去世，尽管“香农号”击败了“切萨皮克号”，劳伦斯的遗言却成为了美国人的号召口号。

Two and a half months later the USS Constitution squared off with the HMS Guerriere. As the Guerriere tried to outmaneuver the Americans, the Constitution pulled along broadside and began hammering the British frigate. The Guerriere returned fire, but as one sailor observed, the cannonballs simply bounced off the Constitution’s thick hull. “Huzzah! Her sides are made of iron!” shouted the sailor, and henceforth, the Constitution became known as “Old Ironsides.” In less than thirty-five minutes, the Guerriere was so badly damaged that it was set aflame rather than taken as a prize.

两个半月后，美国海军“宪法号”（USS Constitution）与英国皇家海军“勇士号”（HMS Guerriere）展开了对决。当“勇士号”试图绕过美国舰船时，“宪法号”拉近至并排位置，开始猛烈攻击这艘英国护卫舰。“勇士号”回击，但正如一名水手所观察到的那样，炮弹只是从“宪法号”厚重的船体上反弹出去。“呼哈！她的侧板是铁做的！”这名水手喊道，因此，“宪法号”从此以“铁甲战舰”（Old Ironsides）著称。在不到三十五分钟的时间里，“勇士号”被打得几乎无法修复，最终被点燃，而不是作为战利品带回。

In 1814, Americans gained naval victories on Lake Champlain near Plattsburgh, preventing a British land invasion of the United States and on the Chesapeake Bay at Fort McHenry in Baltimore. Fort McHenry repelled the nineteen-ship British fleet, enduring twenty-seven hours of bombardment virtually unscathed. Watching from aboard a British ship, American poet Francis Scott Key penned the stanzas of the poem that would later become the national anthem, “The Star Spangled Banner.”

在1814年，美国在位于普拉特斯堡（Plattsburgh）的尚普兰湖（Lake Champlain）上取得了海战胜利，成功阻止了英国的陆地入侵，并在切萨皮克湾的巴尔的摩麦克亨利堡（Fort McHenry）抵御了英国十九艘舰船组成的舰队。在长达二十七小时的猛烈轰炸中，麦克亨利堡几乎毫发无损。在一艘英国舰船上观看这一场景的美国诗人弗朗西斯·斯科特·基（Francis Scott Key）写下了后来成为国歌《星条旗永不落》（The Star-Spangled Banner）的诗句。

Impressive though these accomplishments were, they belied what was actually a poorly executed military campaign against the British. The U.S. Navy won their most significant victories in the Atlantic Ocean in 1813. Napoleon’s defeat in early 1814, however, allowed the British to focus on North America and blockade American ports. Thanks to the blockade, the British were able to burn Washington, D.C., on August 24, 1814 and open a new theater of operations in the South. The British sailed for New Orleans, where they achieved a naval victory at Lake Borgne before losing the land invasion to Major General Andrew Jackson’s troops in January 1815. This American victory actually came after the United States and the United Kingdom signed the Treaty of Ghent on December 24, 1814, but the Battle of New Orleans proved to be a psychological victory that boosted American morale and affected how the war has been remembered.

尽管这些成就令人印象深刻，但它们掩盖了美国实际上执行得不佳的军事行动。美国海军在1813年赢得了他们在北大西洋上最重大的胜利。然而，拿破仑在1814年初的失败，使得英国能够集中精力对付北美并封锁美国港口。由于封锁，英国得以于1814年8月24日焚烧华盛顿特区，并在南方开辟了新的作战区域。英国舰队驶向新奥尔良，在博尔涅湖（Lake Borgne）取得了海战胜利，但在1815年1月，英军的陆地入侵被安德鲁·杰克逊将军的部队击败。这场美国胜利实际上发生在美国和英国于1814年12月24日签署《根特条约》（Treaty of Ghent）之后，但新奥尔良战役的胜利成为一种心理上的胜利，极大地提升了美国士气，并影响了人们对这场战争的记忆。

But not all Americans supported the war. In 1814, New England Federalists met in Hartford, Connecticut, to try to end the war and curb the power of the Democratic-Republican Party. They produced a document that proposed abolishing the three-fifths rule that afforded southern enslavers disproportionate representation in Congress, limiting the president to a single term in office, and most importantly, demanding a two-thirds congressional majority, rather than a simple majority, for legislation that declared war, admitted new states into the Union, or regulated commerce. With the two-thirds majority, New England’s Federalist politicians believed they could limit the power of their political foes.

但并非所有美国人都支持这场战争。1814年，新英格兰的联邦党人聚集在康涅狄格州的哈特福德，试图结束战争并削弱民主-共和党（Democratic-Republican Party）的权力。他们起草了一份文件，提议废除五分之三条款（Three-fifths Clause），该条款赋予南方奴隶主在国会中不成比例的代表权；限制总统连任为单任期；最重要的是，要求对于宣布战争、接纳新州加入联邦或监管贸易的立法，必须通过三分之二的国会多数，而非简单多数。通过三分之二的多数，新英格兰的联邦党政治家们认为他们可以限制政治对手的权力。

These proposals were sent to Washington, but unfortunately for the Federalists, the victory at New Orleans buoyed popular support for the Madison administration. With little evidence, newspapers accused the Hartford Convention’s delegates of plotting secession. The episode demonstrated the waning power of Federalism and the need for the region’s politicians to shed their aristocratic and Anglophile image. The next New England politician to assume the presidency, John Quincy Adams, would, in 1824, emerge not from within the Federalist fold but having served as secretary of state under President James Monroe, the leader of the Virginia Democratic-Republicans.

这些提案被送往华盛顿，但对联邦党人来说，不幸的是，新奥尔良的胜利增强了民众对麦迪逊政府的支持。尽管没有确凿证据，报纸开始指责哈特福德大会的代表密谋分裂国家。这一事件显示了联邦党势力的衰退，以及该地区政治家需要摆脱贵族和亲英的形象。1824年，下一位来自新英格兰的总统候选人约翰·昆西·亚当斯（John Quincy Adams），并非来自联邦党，而是在詹姆斯·门罗总统领导下担任国务卿，门罗是弗吉尼亚州的民主-共和党领袖。

The Treaty of Ghent essentially returned relations between the United States and Britain to their prewar status. The war, however, mattered politically and strengthened American nationalism. During the war, Americans read patriotic newspaper stories, sang patriotic songs, and bought consumer goods decorated with national emblems. They also heard stories about how the British and their Native allies threatened to bring violence into American homes. For examples, rumors spread that British officers promised rewards of “beauty and booty” for their soldiers when they attacked New Orleans. In the Great Lakes borderlands, wartime propaganda fueled Americans’ fear of Britain’s Native American allies, whom they believed would slaughter men, women, and children indiscriminately. Terror and love worked together to make American citizens feel a stronger bond with their country. Because the war mostly cut off America’s trade with Europe, it also encouraged Americans to see themselves as different and separate; it fostered a sense that the country had been reborn.

《根特条约》本质上将美英之间的关系恢复到战争前的状态。然而，这场战争在政治上具有重要意义，并且加强了美国的民族主义。在战争期间，美国人阅读了爱国的报纸报道，唱着爱国歌曲，购买装饰有国家象征的消费品。他们还听到了关于英国及其土著盟友威胁将暴力带入美国家庭的故事。例如，关于英国军官承诺在攻击新奥尔良时为士兵提供“美丽与战利品”的奖励的谣言传播开来。在五大湖边境地区，战时宣传激发了美国人对英国土著盟友的恐惧，他们认为这些土著盟友会无差别地屠杀男人、女人和孩子。恐惧与爱国情感相互作用，让美国公民与他们的国家建立了更强的联系。由于战争大多切断了美国与欧洲的贸易，这也促使美国人开始视自己为不同且独立的国家；它培养了这样一种感觉，即国家已经重生。

Former treasury secretary Albert Gallatin claimed that the War of 1812 revived “national feelings” that had dwindled after the Revolution. “The people,” he wrote, were now “more American; they feel and act more like a nation.” Politicians proposed measures to reinforce the fragile Union through capitalism and built on these sentiments of nationalism. The United States continued to expand into Native American territories with westward settlement in far-flung new states like Tennessee, Ohio, Mississippi, and Illinois. Between 1810 and 1830, the country added more than six thousand new post offices.

前财政部长阿尔伯特·加拉廷（Albert Gallatin）声称，1812年战争复兴了“民族情感”，这些情感在革命后逐渐消退。“人民，”他写道，“现在更加‘美国’，他们的感觉和行为更像一个国家。” 政治家们提出了一系列措施，通过资本主义加强脆弱的联邦，并在这种民族主义情感的基础上进行扩展。美国继续向土著领土扩张，向远在西部的新州如田纳西州、俄亥俄州、密西西比州和伊利诺伊州的定居点推进。从1810年到1830年，国家增设了超过六千个新的邮局。

In 1817, South Carolina congressman John C. Calhoun called for building projects to “bind the republic together with a perfect system of roads and canals.” He joined with other politicians, such as Kentucky’s powerful Henry Clay, to promote what came to be called an American System. They aimed to make America economically independent and encouraged commerce between the states over trade with Europe and the West Indies. The American System would include a new Bank of the United States to provide capital; a high protective tariff, which would raise the prices of imported goods and help American-made products compete; and a network of “internal improvements,” roads and canals to let people take American goods to market.

1817年，南卡罗来纳州国会议员约翰·C·卡尔霍恩（John C. Calhoun）呼吁进行建设项目，“用一套完善的道路和运河系统将联邦紧密联结在一起。”他与其他政治家，如肯塔基州的权势人物亨利·克莱（Henry Clay），共同推动了被称为“美国体系”（American System）的政策。他们的目标是使美国经济独立，并鼓励各州之间的商业往来，而不是依赖与欧洲和西印度群岛的贸易。“美国体系”包括重新建立一所美国银行来提供资本；设置高额的保护性关税，以提高进口商品的价格并帮助美国制造的商品与之竞争；以及建立一系列“内部改进”（internal improvements）措施——道路和运河，以便将美国商品运送到市场。

These projects were controversial. Many people believed that they were unconstitutional or would increase the federal government’s power at the expense of the states. Even Calhoun later changed his mind and joined the opposition. The War of 1812, however, had reinforced Americans’ sense of the nation’s importance in their political and economic life. Even when the federal government did not act, states created banks, roads, and canals of their own.

这些项目引发了争议。许多人认为它们违反宪法，或者会增加联邦政府的权力，从而削弱各州的权利。即便是卡尔霍恩本人后来也改变了立场，加入了反对派。然而，1812年战争加深了美国人对国家在政治和经济生活中重要性的认知。即使联邦政府没有采取行动，各州仍然自己创建了银行、道路和运河。

What may have been the boldest declaration of America’s postwar pride came in 1823. President James Monroe issued an ultimatum to the empires of Europe in order to support several wars of independence in Latin America. The Monroe Doctrine declared that the United States considered its entire hemisphere, both North and South America, off-limits to new European colonization. Although Monroe was a Jeffersonian, some of his principles echoed Federalist policies. Whereas Jefferson cut the size of the military and ended all internal taxes in his first term, Monroe advocated the need for a strong military and an aggressive foreign policy. Since Americans were spreading out over the continent, Monroe authorized the federal government to invest in canals and roads, which he said would “shorten distances and, by making each part more accessible to and dependent on the other . . . shall bind the Union more closely together.” As Federalists had attempted two decades earlier, Democratic-Republican leaders after the War of 1812 advocated strengthening the government to strengthen the nation.

或许美国战后自豪感最为大胆的宣示出现在1823年。当时，总统詹姆斯·门罗（James Monroe）向欧洲列强发出最后通牒，要求支持拉丁美洲的独立战争。门罗主义（Monroe Doctrine）宣称，美国认为整个美洲，包括北美和南美，禁止新的欧洲殖民化。尽管门罗是杰斐逊派，部分政策却与联邦党人的理念相似。杰斐逊在任时削减了军队规模，并在第一任期内取消了所有内部税收；而门罗则主张保持强大的军力和积极的外交政策。随着美国扩展至更广阔的土地，门罗批准联邦政府投资建设道路和运河，他认为这些措施能“缩短距离，使各地更加紧密地联系在一起，从而让联盟更加牢固。”与联邦党人二十年前的努力相似，1812年战争后，民主-共和党领导人也提倡加强政府的力量，以增强国家的凝聚力。

VII. Conclusion

七、结论

Monroe’s election after the conclusion of the War of 1812 signaled the death knell of the Federalists. Some predicted an “era of good feelings” and an end to party divisions. The War had cultivated a profound sense of union among a diverse and divided people. Yet that “era of good feelings” would never really come. Political division continued. Though the dying Federalists would fade from political relevance, a schism within the Democratic-Republican Party would give rise to Jacksonian Democrats. Political limits continued along class, gender, and racial and ethnic lines. At the same time, industrialization and the development of American capitalism required new justifications of inequality. Social change and increased immigration prompted nativist reactions that would divide “true” Americans from dangerous or undeserving “others.” Still, a cacophony of voices clamored to be heard and struggled to realize a social order compatible with the ideals of equality and individual liberty. As always, the meaning of democracy was in flux.

门罗当选总统标志着1812年战争后联邦党的衰落。一些人预测将迎来一个“美好时代”（Era of Good Feelings），政党分歧将结束。这场战争培养了人民在多样性与分裂中形成的深刻团结感。然而，这个“美好时代”并未真正到来。政治分裂依然存在。尽管垂死的联邦党渐渐消失，民主-共和党内部的分歧却催生了杰克逊派民主党人（Jacksonian Democrats）。政治分界依然存在，分界线依旧基于阶级、性别、种族和民族等因素。与此同时，工业化和美国资本主义的发展要求为不平等现象提供新的辩护。社会变革和移民增加引发了本土主义反应，将“真正的”美国人与那些被认为危险或不配得的“他者”区分开来。尽管如此，各种声音依然争相发声，并努力实现一个与平等与个人自由理想相符的社会秩序。正如以往一样，民主的含义依旧在不断变化中。